2 Den iberiske halvøy til 1492: periodisering Før-romersk tid (til ca. 200 f. Kr)Romertiden (ca. 200 f. Kr – ca. 400 e. Kr)Middelalderen (ca. 400 e. Kr – 1492)Folkevandringene og Regnum HispaniaeAl-Andalus og mauriske rikerReconquista og framveksten av Portugal, Castilla og Aragon
3 Framveksten av Portugal, Castilla og Aragon Reconquista vs ConvivenciaDrømmen om Regnum Hispaniae og hellig krigHøymiddelalderens økonomiske vekst
11 1492 – Et skille i iberisk (og europeisk historie)? overgang mellom middelalderen og moderne tid?Stikkord: renessansen, reformasjonene, oppdagelsene/ den europeiske ekspansjonProblemer:Hvorfor Iberia?Var de iberiske rikene ”kjerringa mot strømmen” på 1500-tallet?Hva var motivene til de som reiste ut?Hva førte ekspansjonen til for iberiske samfunn (og europa)?Hva førte kulturmøtet til for de ”oppdagede”?Alle disse problemene hører sammen… Vi tar dem ikke hver for seg videre…
12 TITLE: Vesconte World Maps DATE: 1306 - 1321 AUTHOR: Pietro [Petrus] Vesconte DESCRIPTION: Some consider him as the first professional cartographer to sign and date his works regularly.He produced chiefly sea-charts, and his world maps betray his experience in that field.Vesconte came from Genoa but did some, perhaps all, of his work at Venice.Vesconte was one of the few people in Europe before 1400 to see the potential of cartography and to apply its techniques with imagination.As can be seen in the world maps he drew around 1320 he introduced a heretofore unseen accuracy in the outline of the lands surrounding the Mediterranean and Black Sea, probably because they were taken from the portolan [nautical] charts.Vesconte's world maps were circular in format and oriented with East to the top, although most of the fabulous elements so common to early world maps have been omitted, Prester John, the mythical Christian king occasionally located in Ethiopia, does manage to appear on Vesconte's map and has been "re-located" to India.This world map is painted using colors fairly typical of the medieval period. The oceans, seas and rivers are in green, the sawtooth mountains in brown, the major cities represented by crowns and castles are in red, and the landmasses are in white.LOCATION: British Library, London.
13 TITLE: The Borgia World Map DATE: 1410 - 1458 AUTHOR: unknown DESCRIPTION: because of its purported decorative intent, the result is a very stylized representation in the contours of the major landmasses. This characteristic can be seen particularly in the mountains that are used to symbolize the coastline in a few places (i.e., Northern Asia, Southern Africa). The entire southern part of Africa, which would have formed an ugly white excrescence, is omitted; and coastal outlines are either badly distorted for the period (especially well known areas such as Spain and Italy), or simply generalized. According to Nordenskiöld, the Borgia map was probably composed for a secondary purpose to illustrate some instruction in the elements of the globe, or more correctly, in the geography, the natural conditions and ethnography of the earth disc. Even more noteworthy, and in this respect it is almost unique among medieval maps, is the fact that it seems to have been drawn, not by some scholar through the study of older authorities, more or less classical, but by a much travelled and observant man, recording what he had seen and heard. One of the attractions of the map are the myrad of miniature drawings reminiscent of much earlier maps such as the Hereford and Ebstorf mappamundi (Slides #224, #226), as well as the Catalan Atlas of 1375 (Slide #235). The unknown author could not resist the temptation to tickle the palate of his readers, for he fills the empty, unexplored continental spaces with all manner of legendary and traditional characters. Zoologically, there are fauna in all three of Wilma George's 'regions' Ethiopian, Oriental, and Palearctic displayed on the Borgia map. As this scholar states, it " formalized exuberance resembling the 12th century maps populates the Oriental region with camels, jackals or hyenas, an elephant, a panther, lion, dragon and, marginally, in the region, some reptiles." An elk or moose appears in Europe from behind some trees, with the tines on the opposing and upper edges of its antlers. Also there is a polar bear emerging from an igloo in Norway, domesticated reindeer, foxes and wolves to be found. Culturally, towns are represented by castellated symbols, a variety of ship-types can be seen in the circumfluent ocean, the Magi of the Gospel story is included and even the Mongolian invasion is illustrated. Legends abound everywhere there is room or no graphic adornment. Surprisingly, unlike many other maps with this degree of illustration, little or no emphasis is given to Jerusalem, i.e. pictorially or through orientation, thus indication of a more sectarian, vice religious, origin and purpose. LOCATION: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Museum of Cardinal Stefano Borgia, Velletri
17 Fra Mauro 1459TITLE: Fra Mauro's Mappamundi DATE: AUTHOR: Fra Mauro DESCRIPTION:Unusual for medieval European maps, it is oriented with south at the top (Indian Ocean, top left; Mediterranean, right center) and so meticulously drawn and full of detail and legends that it has been described as a "medieval cosmography of no small extent, a conspectus of 15th century geographical knowledge cast in medieval form."Fra Mauro, a Camaldulian monk from the island of Murano near Venice, was active in about the middle of the 15th century. He seems to have been, to some extent, a "professional cartographer", substantiated by the monastic records that document expenditure on materials and colors for mapping, wages for draftsmen, and so on.However, working from a commission granted by King Alfonso V of Portugal, a patron who supplied money and information on the on-going Portuguese discoveries,Jerusalem is indeed the center of the inhabited world latitudinally, though longitudinally it is somewhat to the west, but since the western portion is more thickly populated by reason of Europe, therefore Jerusalem is also the center longitudinally if we regard not empty space but the density of population.Like the Greek geographers before Ptolemy and like the Arab cartographers, Fra Mauro shows all of the continents as being surrounded on all sides by the great ocean. He did not see the earth as simply a disc, the circular form of the map was his way of depicting a sphere. However he had not been able to arrive at an opinion on the overall size of the globe.By 1459, the year of the map's construction, the Portuguese had sailed some 2,000 miles beyond the Straits of Gibraltar, that is, as far as Rio Grande (i.e. ,the Jeba River, 12 degrees north, or probably not beyond Sierra Leone - it is disputed whether at that date the Cape Verde Islands had been discovered). Mauro apparently had knowledge of this exploration for he tells us as much in a rubric near the west coast of Africa and adds, circumstantially, thatThe draftsman places the legendary and fabulously wealthy Christian ruler, Prester John and his kingdom of Abassia at the source of the Nile.Indeed, Fra Mauro's representation of the Far East is derived from Marco Polo. His illuminator has conceived the cities and places of Cathay, as described by Polo, in the architectural styles of the Venetian Renaissance. In spaces between rivers and place-names he drew cities with walls and towers, i.e., Chambalech, the capital city of Cathay. In a footnote Mauro says that he drew the cities of Asia so large because there was simply more room on the map there than in Europe.
19 Martellus 1489TITLE: Martellus' World Maps DATE: AUTHOR: Henricus Martellus [Germanus] DESCRIPTION: Henricus Martellus was the one mapmaker who linked the late medieval cartography, just emerging from social, religious, academic and technological constraints, to mapping that reflected the Renaissance and the new discoveries. Little is known of this important German cartographer, probably from Nuremberg, who worked in Italy from 1480 to 1496 and produced a number of important manuscript maps. Martellus's world delineation, drawn in Florence and circulated by an engraved version prepared by Francesco Rosselli, helped to change the face of the world. It is believed that one copy of a Martellus map found its way to Nuremberg and inspired Martin Behaim to make his famous globe of 1492 (Slide #258). Another copy may have reached Christopher Columbus in Spain. These maps depicted graphically the theory that Cipangu [Japan] was but 3,500 miles (5,635 kilometers) westward, and only 1,500 miles (2,415 kilometers) further lay the shores of Cathay [China]. Columbus thus had documentary support for his beliefs about oceanic distances from his readings of earlier cosmographers, Cardinal D'Ailly (Slide #238) and Paolo Toscanelli (Slide #252). This provided him with the 'ammunition' to further promote his plan to sail west to reach the Indies." The map was constructed on the projection of Claudius Ptolemy, the 2nd century A.D. classical Greek scholar. Ptolemy's geographical writings, largely disregarded during the Christian Middle Ages in Europe, became the basis for the Renaissance in geography. The Martellus delineation included some Ptolemaic dogma in its continental contours and projection but significantly modified and improved upon the ancient model with regards to its contents. Apparently Martellus was the first person to employ Ptolemy's procedures for constructing a his "second projection" (a.k.a. a modified spherical, homeoteric, pseudo-cordiform projection) which used curved meridians and parallels. Ptolemy's Geography (Slide #119) was first translated into Latin and became widely distributed throughout Europe beginning in the early 15th century. The splendid manuscript of Martellus preserved in the National Library at Florence contains thirteen tabulæ modernæ, but is probably later than the earliest printed editions of Ptolemy's Geography. However, Martellus revised the Ptolemaic world map based on Marco Polo's information on Asia, and he incorporated the recent Portuguese voyages to Africa. His is the earliest map to show the African continent as described by Bartholomew Diaz who rounded the Cape of Good Hope on his voyage of In the example of Martellus from the British Library the Mediterranean, western Europe and the west cost of Africa all derive from portolan [nautical] charts, extended to take in the recent discoveries. This map also expanded Ptolemy with some additions to the outline of Scandinavia. No one at that time had any knowledge of the true position and outlines of East Asia, yet the representation of East Asia is identical on both Martellus' map and Behaim's globe. One was obviously copied from the other for in each the coasts were hypothetical (i.e., invented), unless they had both copied from a common prototype which first revealed such hypothetical coasts. The correspondence between the Behaim globe and the 1489 Martellus map consequently ended in 1485, when Diego Cão had returned from his first voyage after reaching 13° south (Cape Santa Maria in the Congo, ). This was the time when Behaim, as a member of the King John's mathematical junta, was able to study the map and proposals of Columbus. On the 1489 Martellus map there is an inscription next to the Congo that mentions the commemorative stone (Padrão) that Cão erected at Cape Negro during his second voyage ( ) when he reached as far as Cape Cross. The 1489 Martellus map extends from the Canaries to the east coast of China. No meridians, parallels or scales of longitude are given, but estimates based on measurements of the map indicate about 230° from Lisbon to the coast of China, or 240° from the Canaries. These agree with the distances on the Behaim globe. The coast of Cathay is approximately 130° west of Lisbon on the Martellus map, on the Behaim globe and in the Columbus-Toscanelli concept. The minor differences in location between these three must be seen against the enormous exaggeration of the extent of Eurasia which they exhibit in comparison with all previous estimates. The Catalan Atlas of 1375 (Slide #235) made it 116° east from the Canaries to the coast of China; the Genoese map of 1457 (Slide #248) made it 136°; and the Fra Mauro map of 1459 (Slide #249), about 125°. It is actually 141° from the Canaries to Shanghai. Who had most to gain from such a reckless exaggeration of the extent of Eurasia and who was the first to do so? Columbus, surely. His entire hopes of gaining support from King John in 1485 for such an enterprise as sailing westward to Cathay rested on his argument that it lay only 130 to 140 degrees to the west. The Behaim globe and the Martellus map seem designed to plead the same cause. But Martellus had no such ambition or motive. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that he copied a map which was originally designed to support the ideas of Columbus. Yet that map could not have been completed until early in 1489 for it had complete details of the discoveries of Bartholomew Diaz in his voyage of , when he circumnavigated the Cape of Good Hope (capo d' esperanza) and reached the Indian Ocean. He returned from this voyage in December 1488 and, within a year, full details, including rich nomenclature, had appeared on the map of Martellus made in Italy; this despite the utmost secrecy on the part of King John of Portugal. The furthest point reached by Diaz, the Rio de Infante [the great Fish River], is duly recorded (ilha de fonti). Even today, the best source for information on the voyage of Diaz is the Martellus map of The policy of secrecy of King John was shattered in one great leakage by someone in a unique position to know all the details. Other features of the Martellus map indicate an origin in Lisbon. The representation of East Asia, from the Arctic to 35° south of the equator is new; it extends far to the east of the Ptolemaic limit of 180°; its nomenclature is completely new and based on Marco Polo. A manuscript copy of Polo and his travels was given by the Doge of Venice to Prince Pedro in 1427 and was thereafter in the King's Treasury in Lisbon. Copious marginal notes, in the handwriting of Bartholomew and his older brother Christopher, are found in the Admiral's copy of the printed book of Marco Polo published at Louvain between 1485 and The Arctic coasts on the Martellus map and those of north and northwest Europe resemble those of the Fra Mauro planisphere of (Slide #249) rather than those of the Ulm Ptolemy (Slide #119I) of From Normandy to Sierra Leone the coasts seem to be based on Portuguese discoveries. In the Martellus map the influence the Fra Mauro map is pronounced. The coasts charted by Diaz have been fitted into the circular outline of the world of the Fra Mauro hemisphere, representing such a marked trend to the southeast that the Cape of Good Hope seems to be due south of the Persian Gulf, whereas it is due south of the Adriatic. The Indian Ocean is open to the south, as in the Fra Mauro planisphere. Due south of the Malay peninsula, at 28° south, there appears an enormous peninsula which widens and turns north to join China again with the largely circular concept of the Fra Mauro map. It does not exist in fact, and seems to be a repeat of the Donus Nicolaus map of the world in the Ulm Ptolemy, cut away by the circular outline of Fra Mauro. The Fra Mauro map was made at Murano, near Venice. It was commissioned for King Alfonso V of Portugal and was in Lisbon from 1459 on. Someone with access to it and to the reports of Bartholomew Diaz, drew the prototype of the Martellus map. Two peculiar features in the region of South Africa suggest that Bartholomew Columbus wa the someone. First, by 1486 the mathematical junta had solved the problem of establishing latitude by measuring the height of the mid-day sun. The actual latitude of the Cape of Good Hope is 34° 22' south based on land measurements by Diaz, who landed three times on the south coast. Measurements of altitudinal height of the sun by astrolabe or quadrant were accurate on land but could be 2° or more out on the rolling deck of a ship. Yet the Martellus map shows South Africa extending across the frame of the map to 45° south. The only other claim that the Cape was at 45 degrees south is in the hand of Bartholomew Columbus. In the volume of Imago Mundi, found amongst the possessions of Christopher Columbus after his death, there are numerous notes or postils written in the margins or below the printed matter. No. 23 is in the handwriting of Bartholomew, and was identified as his by Bishop Bartolomeo de Las Casas, who knew him well. Arthur Davies has made a long study of the writing of the Columbus brothers and states, without a shadow of doubt, that it is in the hand of Bartholomew. It reads, in translation: 'Note that in the year '88 in the month of December arrived in Lisbon Bartholomew Diaz, Captain of three caravels which the Most Serene King of Portugal had sent to try out the land in Guinea. He reported to the same Most Serene King that he had sailed beyond Yan 600 leagues, namely 450 to the south and 250 to the north, up to a promontory which he called Cabo de Boa Esperanza [Cape of Good Hope] which we believe to be in Abyssinia. He says that in this place he found by the astrolabe that he was 45° below the equator and that this place is 3,100 leagues distant from Lisbon [19,850 km]. He has described this voyage and plotted it league by league on a marine chart in order to place it under the eyes of the Most Serene King himself. I was present in all of this. Bartholomew was present when Diaz reported to King John. It indicates that he was high in the confidence of the King as an expert cartographer, otherwise he would not have been present at such a secret occasion. It shows that he had the task of adding new discoveries to a Portuguese world map. He alone maintained that Africa reached to 45 degrees south, as on the Martellus map. Secondly, no one in Lisbon knew of this 45° assertion. It was done probably in Seville after he joined his brother, entering the postil in Imago Mundi and altering his prototype map at the same time. Two unusual features of the Martellus map reveal this late alteration: (a) Africa has been extended to 45° south only by showing it as breaking through the frame of the map. It seems that the prototype originally showed the Cape at 35° south, well clear of the frame at about 41° south, as one would expect of a competent cartographer. (b) The second peculiarity is a legend off the east coast of Africa which reads: ultima navigatio Portug. A.D This dates the legend as 1489, probably in January of that year, just before Bartholomew went to Seville. This legend has baffled scholars. On the face of it, seeing it on the Martellus map, it asserts that Diaz had proceeded north along the cast coast of South Africa to beyond Natal. His furthest point, in fact, was the Rio de Infante [Great Fish River] on the south coast, at 34° south. The legend is also at 33° to 34° south. It appears to be north of Natal only because Africa is shown as extending to 45° south. According to Davies, this is conclusive evidence that the prototype originally terminated at 35°, with the legend correctly placed near it. When Bartholomew altered the prototype map to 45° south, he was unable to remove the legend. What purpose was served by extending Africa to 45° south? It was not to influence King John, who knew that the Cape was at 34.5° south. It was to influence the Catholic Sovereigns who were in the dark owing to the intense secrecy by Portugal regarding discovery. This suggests that the alteration was made in Seville. It suited Columbus admirably and it is likely that Bartholomew made the change at his direction. Columbus hoped Spain would support a voyage westward to Cipangu, 85° away, and to Cathay 130° to the west. At that latitude one degree was thought to be 50 miles (80 km), according to the Toscanelli letter, so that Japan was only 4,250 miles (7,200 km) west. To reach India around Africa would involve sailing north-to-south for 39+45=84 degrees, each of 67 miles (108 km); then north to India, another degrees; together with 83° of eastering (Lisbon to Mangalore). All told such a voyage to India would total 227 degrees or 15,000 miles (24,000 km). The extra ten degrees in shifting the Cape to 45° south meant more than twenty degrees extra distance in a voyage to India. Moreover, and perhaps this was the decisive factor, it would take Portuguese ships to nearly 50° south to round Africa, into what Diaz had already found to be the roughest seas encountered anywhere in the world. Bartholomew, in 1512, gave evidence in the Pleitos (the great lawsuit of the Columbus family versus the Crown of Spain) and declared that he had gone about with his brother in Spain helping to gain support for his enterprise. His prototype map would have been a powerful argument. Another peculiar feature of the Martellus map is the enormous peninsula commencing due south of Aureus Chersonesus [the Malay peninsula] at 28 degrees south, thereafter widening to reach China. It is a relic of the continuous coastline that linked southeast Asia to South Africa in Ptolemaic world maps, and it needs a name to identify it in argument. It bears a rough resemblance to the hind leg and huge paw of a tiger which is facing west. Davies, in his discussion of this map refers to it as the Tiger-leg peninsula; in others it is referred to as Catigara. It did not exist in fact but, on the prototype map of Bartholomew and on the Martellus map, it served an important purpose. It seems to render impossible voyages of Arab ships or Chinese junks between Ceylon and China. Although the Columbus brothers knew that Marco Polo had returned from China by this sea route, they inserted this great obstruction of Tiger-leg by It would show King John that even if the Portuguese reached India they could not reach the Spice Islands (which were on the equator east of Tiger-leg ) without having to make long voyages into the southern stormy seas. For King John and for the Catholic Sovereigns it showed that Spain could easily reach Cathay and then the Spice Islands, secure from all interference from Arabs or Portuguese in the Indian Ocean. Columbus may deceived himself regarding the existence of Tiger-leg but, since it suited his plans so admirably, one suspects that he asserted its existence just as he later made the Cape of Good Hope to be at 45 degrees south. Martellus' shape of the world represents the most complete knowledge of the day. The map is remarkable for its exciting new information, although being imperfect because of its acceptance of classical and medieval antecedents. It was the most accurate delineation available to Martin Behaim when he constructed his globe exhibiting the pre-Columbian world. Columbus himself could find no better map to show him the way to Asia. These two are the only two extant non-Ptolemaic world maps of the 15th century to be graduated in latitude and longitude and so to convey a precise estimate of the width of the ocean between westernmost Europe and easternmost Asia. In its general geographical design the more famous Behaim globe derives from a map of Martellus type, if not by him.
21 Behaim 1492TITLE: Behaim Globe DATE: 1492 AUTHOR: Martin Behaim DESCRIPTION: It was Martin Behaim of Nuremberg ( ), who, in so far as we have knowledge, constructed one of the first modern terrestrial globes, and it may, indeed, be said of his "Erdapfel," as he called it, that it is the oldest terrestrial globe extant. Globes in his age, and even earlier, were by no means unknown. Giovanni Campano (fl ), a distinguished mathematician of Novara, wrote a Tractus de Sphera solida, in which he describes the manufacture of globes of wood or metal. Toscanelli, when writing his famous letter in 1474 (Slide #252), refers to a globe as being the best adapted for demonstrating the erroneous hypothesis as to the small distance which he supposed to separate the west of Europe from eastern Asia. Columbus, too, had a globe on board his vessel upon which was depicted Cipangu [Japan], and which may have been the work of his brother Bartholomew, who, according to Las Casas, produced charts as well as globes. But only two globes of a date anterior to the discovery of the New World have survived, namely this one in Nuremberg, and a smaller one at the Depôt des planches et cartes de la marine, Paris (Laon Globe, Slide #259). Behaim belonged to the merchant class of a flourishing south German city. He took advantage of the opportunities which were offered him for travel, though, according to both Ravenstein and Stevenson, it is hardly probable that he is entitled to that renown as an African coast explorer with which certain of his biographers have attempted to crown him, nor does it appear that he is entitled to a very prominent place among the men famed in his day for their astronomical and nautical knowledge. It was doubtless, for reasons primarily commercial, that he first found his way to Portugal, where, shortly after his arrival, probably in the year 1484, he was honored by King John with an appointment as a member of the junta dos mathematicos [a nautical or mathematical council]. During his earlier years in Portugal he was connected with one or more expeditions down the coast of Africa, was knighted by the king, presumably for his services, and made his home for some years on the island of Fayal. In the year 1490 he returned for a visit to his native city, Nuremberg, and there is reason for believing that on this occasion he was received with much honor by his fellow townsmen. It was the suggestion of George Holzschuher, member of the City Council, and himself somewhat famed as a traveler, that eventually brought special renown to this globe maker, for he it was who proposed to his colleagues of the Council that Martin Behaim should be requested to undertake the construction of a globe on which the recent Portuguese and other discoveries should be represented. From a record on the globe itself, placed within the Antarctic circle, we learn that the work was undertaken on the authority of three distinguished citizens, Gabriel Nutzel, Paul Volckamer, and Nikolaus Groland. It is an interesting fact that we are able to follow in detail the construction of the globe through its several stages, as the accounts of George Holzschuher, to whom was entrusted the general supervision of the work, have been preserved. From his report, presented at the conclusion of the undertaking, we learn the names of those who participated in the production of the globe; we learn the amount received by each for his labors, and that the total cost to the city for the completed product was something less than seventy-five dollars. Information is given therein as to the division of the work; how the spherical shell was prepared; how the vellum covering was fitted to the sphere; how the rings and the globe supports were supplied; finally, how the artist, Glockenthon, transferred the map to the prepared surface of the ball and added to the same the several miniatures, illustrating in rich color a variety of subjects.
23 Juan de la Cosa 1500TITLE: Portolan World Chart DATE: 1500 AUTHOR: Juan de la Cosa DESCRIPTION: The original parchment of this map or chart, a piece of ox-hide measuring 37.5 x 72 inches (96 X 183 cm), superbly illustrated in ink and water colors, was found in 1832 in a shop in Paris by Baron Walckenaer, a bibliophile and the Dutch Ambassador, and was brought to the attention of the world the following year by Alexander Humboldt, the famous German scholar. Upon the death of Baron Walckenaer in 1853 the map was purchased by the Queen of Spain, and though greatly deteriorated, is now the chief treasure of the Museo Naval in Madrid. Notwithstanding several large holes, the map may be said to be in a good state of preservation. There is, however, a regrettable gap on the northern coast of Brazil, where a piece two inches wide, containing names, has been torn off. Originally a manuscript map, it was never engraved or printed until recent years, and therefore may have exercised little influence on the cartography of the sixteenth century, except for those privileged few who were allowed to study it. The name of the maker of the map is in the legend under the picture of St. Christopher, at the left, which reads: Juan de la cosa la fizo en el puerto de S: ma en año de 1500 [Juan de la Cosa made it in the port of Santa Maria in the year 1500]. Some scholars accept this date, others do not. One of the latter is George E. Nunn. In The Mappemonde of Juan de la Cosa he held that the map is a copy and not an original work of La Cosa, and that it probably dates from about 1508 instead of He argued, (a) that the insular nature of Cuba shown on the map does not fit the exploration record as of 1500, (b) that the map makes of South America the peninsula of southeastern Asia believed in by Martin Behaim (Slide #258), and that no navigator or explorer is known to have held this concept before Columbus' fourth voyage, (c) that it shows evidence of exploration of the coast west of Cabo de la Vela to the vignette of St. Christopher and beyond it west of Cuba, by which exploration Nunn meant the mainland discoveries of Rodrigo de Bastidas and La Cosa in and of Columbus in , (d) that it shows evidence of both of the Cabot voyages, (e) that it shows evidence of exploration of southern Brazil after 1503 at least, and (f) that it shows the island group in the South Atlantic Ocean which corresponds to the Tristan da Cunha islands. Nunn concluded that some of this information cannot have been available to La Cosa at the earliest before 1504, and some of it probably not before 1507 or Another theory claims that this is a copy by a draftsman who was unable to decipher La Cosa's original lettering. This theory is born out by the many names, even on the South American coasts that had been explored by Cosa himself, that are unintelligible and meaningless. As far as its publication date, not only does the map carry on it the date of 1500, but it has features which would have been utterly different had it been compiled in Thus in Cosa explored the Gulf of Uraba and the coast of Darien, yet these are not shown on his map nor are there any names on the hypothetical coasts drawn thereon. Again Columbus in explored from Yucatan to Darien and his coasts and names are not shown on the Cosa map. The weakest feature of the Cosa map is its grotesque representation of Brazil south of the equator. This was excusable in 1500, but by 1508 Amerigo Vespucci was pilot-major of Spain and his great voyage from 5° south to 42° south would have been available for La Cosa to correct his outlines of South America. There is no cause to doubt that the Cosa map was compiled in La Cosa returned to Spain with Alonso de Ojeda [Hojeda] in July 1500 and left again with Bastidas for Colombia in October of that year, which means that the map was drawn between these months. La Cosa has been called "the most expert mariner and unrivaled pilot of his age." He was the owner and mate of the Santa Maria, the flagship of Columbus on his first voyage, and the official cartographer and captain of the Niña on the second voyage. With others he signed the famous affidavit, demanded by Columbus, that he believed Cuba to be a part of the mainland of Asia. In 1499, he was chief pilot of Ojeda's expedition along the northern coast of South America. On this voyage, he was associated with Amerigo Vespucci. Upon his return from this expedition in 1500, he made his famous marine chart for Ferdinand and Isabella. Later he went on four other voyages to the new world and in 1509 was killed by the Indians in Venezuela, "pierced by more than twenty poisoned arrows." This map is the oldest, now known, made since 1492, which shows the discoveries in the new world. It is an excellent example of the portolan charts which came into use among Italian sailors in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The La Cosa chart displays compass roses and direction lines. The scale is given by a line of dots, unnumbered and unexplained; the distance between the points however is apparently intended to represent fifty miles. The northern tropic and the equator are drawn, but degrees of latitude or longitude are not indicated. The Italian portolan originated in the Greek periplus, a harbor-book or set of sailing directions describing harbors, shoals, distances, currents and winds, but containing no map. The Italian portolan was made on the model of the periplus but contained a map or chart showing the coast line and a few places along the coast, but, as it was intended only for seamen, it gave little information of the interior of even the most populous countries. After the invention of the compass, portolans became numerous. At least one hundred made before 1500 are still in existence. Modern maps developed from these portolans. In addition to Juan de la Cosa, some of the most distinguished makers of Renaissance portolan charts were Alberto Cantino (Slide #309), Nicolo de Canerio (Slide #310), Diego Ribero (Slide #332), Vesconte de Maiollo (Slides #315/329) and Battista Agnese.
24 TITLE: Chart for the navigation of the islands lately discovered in the parts of India, known as the Cantino World Map DATE: 1502 AUTHOR: unknown DESCRIPTION: As the Juan de La Cosa map (Slide #308) graphically dramatizes the impact of Columbus on Renaissance Europe, the Cantino planisphere glorifies the achievements of the great Portuguese navigators of the same period, including Vasco da Gama, Cabral, and the Corte-Real brothers. This, one of the first sea chart of the era of European trans-Atlantic discovery that can be precisely dated, is a manuscript born of controversy and intrigue.
26 Waldseemüller 1507SLIDE 312 TITLE: Universalis Cosmographia Secundum Ptholomei Traditionem e Et Americi Vespucci Aliorum Lustrationes DATE: 1507 AUTHOR: Martin Waldseemüller [Hylacomylus] DESCRIPTION: This highly significant map of the world eluded examination by modern scholars for nearly four hundred years until its re-discovery in 1901 by the Jesuit historian, Joseph Fisher, in the library of Prince von Waldburg zu Wolfegg-Waldsee at the Castle of Wolfegg, Württemberg Germany. Fisher found the only known remaining copy of this map securely bound up in an old book bearing the bookplate of the 16th century German mathematician and geographer, Johannes Schöner. This volume contained twelve sheets, each 21 inches by 30 inches, which when laid together disclosed a large map of the world 4 feet 6 inches by 8 feet, which was designated by one of its own inscriptions a carta marina, dated on its own face 1516, and bore the name of Martin Waldseemüller as author. There were twelve other sheets of the same size in the book, making another world map but containing no author's name or date. It is this map which is here reproduced and examined.
28 Ribero 1529 TITLE: Carta Universal. . . DATE: 1529 AUTHOR: Diego RiberoDESCRIPTION: This map is justfiably considered by many scholars to be the finest cartographic production of its age. The mapmaker, whose name in its Portuguese form is Diogo Ribeiro, was a Portuguese [Lusitanian] at Seville in the service of King Charles V of Spain. For many years Ribero was recognized as one of the most expert cosmographers of his time. He was closely associated with all of the noted explorers who gathered about the Spanish court. He was a personal friend of the Pilot Major, Sebastian Cabot; was the royal cosmographer under Ferdinand Columbus; and made the maps which Magellan carried with him on his famous voyage across the Pacific. Ultimately Ribero suceeded Sebastian Cabot as Pilot Major, a position for which he was obviously highly qualified, having also navigated to India for both Vasco da Gama and Albuquerque.,
37 Oppdagelsene /ekspansjon Iberernes motiver (gold, God and glory)Gull?GudÆre, statusjag= korstogskapitalisme (?)1. rikdom= Marcoi Polo etc
38 Økonomiske og sosiale konsekvenser for Iberia Gull og sølv (spes.)Prisstigning og ”avindustrialisering”?SosialeNye muligheter for sosialt avansementForsterkning av ”føydale”, anti-kapitalistiske verdier?
39 Katolisismens (evt. kristenhetens) forsvarere Forfølgelsen av jøder og muslimer i Iberia (forsøket på en enhetlig stat under de katolske monarkene)Drømmen om å ”gjenopprette” keiserverdigheten og forene kristenhetenProtestantiske reformbevegelser: Calvin, Luther etcProblemet med tyrkerne/ osmanske riketMotreformasjonen (Trent-konsilet, jesuitterordenene)Misjonering som både drivkraft og rettferdiggjøring i imperiebyggingenKarl V = Carlos I av Kastilja og Aragón. Forklare dette. Han var sønn av Fillip den smukke ( sønn av Marie de Bourgogne (hertuginne av Nederlandene) og Maximilian av Habsburg (som var erkehertug av Østerrike og som lykkes i å samle Østerikke til et hertugdømme og som i tillegg va tysk-romersk keiser) og Juana (enearving til Castilla og Aragons kroner/ datter av Fernando og Isabel) Karl vokste opp i Flandern og hadde fransk som morsmål. Født i Han arvet Nederlandene i 1506 da Fillip den smukke døde. , og han arvet Castilla og Aragon i 1516 da Fernando døde. Dessuten arvet han ”husmakten” Østerrike og keiserverdigheten da Maximilian døde i Karls rike, og den trusselen som andre i Europa følte. Skulle han bli en virkelig keiser over hele kristenheten, reelt sett? Spesielt etter at gull og sølv fra Amerika begynte å flomme inn til Spania fra 1540-tallet ble dette en aktuell problemstilling. Karls motstandere: Kongen av Frankrike, skiftende med fyrstene i de tyske rikene, og så hadde man tyrkerne (osmanske riket).
42 Økonomiske og sosiale konsekvenser i Afrika, Asia og Amerika Svært ulike fra sted til sted (sammenlign Kina eller Japan med Tainoene…)Hvilke faktorer hadde betydning for hvordan møtene artet seg:”eurobrernes” opprinnelsessted?deres motiver?Mottakersamfunnenes struktur/ grad av hierarki/ grad av teknologisk utvikling?Deres religiøse oppfatninger/ verdensbilde?Militær slagkraft?Biologi/ grad av tidligere utsatthet for sykdommer?To hovedsyn:Det kulturelleDet materialistiske/ økonomiske
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